By Laurie Shrage
Shrage argues that Roe v Wade's regulatory scheme of a six-month time span for abortion on call for polarized the general public and obscured possible choices with most likely broader help. She explores the origins of that scheme, then defends an alternative one--with a time span shorter than 6 months for non-therapeutic abortions--that may perhaps win vast help had to make felony abortion prone on hand to all ladies.
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Shrage argues that Roe v Wade's regulatory scheme of a six-month time span for abortion on call for polarized the general public and obscured choices with most likely broader help. She explores the origins of that scheme, then defends an alternative one--with a time span shorter than 6 months for non-therapeutic abortions--that may well win extensive aid had to make felony abortion providers to be had to all girls.
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Additional info for Abortion and Social Responsibility: Depolarizing the Debate (Studies in Feminist Philosophy)
For example, some oppose nontherapeutic abortion when the fetus is capable of feeling pain. Thus, one might maintain that the state's interest in protecting the viable fetus is greater than the nonviable fetus, and also hold that the state's interest in protecting the sentient fetus is greater than the nonsentient fetus. A regulatory scheme that restricted abortion to stated therapeutic categories around the time of sentience would further this interest. In short, although the live-birth problem explains the appeal of restricting abortion after viability, it does not completely explain why the Roe Court chose not to restrict nontherapeutic abortions before viability, as Blackmun's initial scheme would have allowed.
For example, Mary Ann Glendon claims that in the West German and Spanish constitutional courts . . there is the notion that what the pregnant woman can be required to sacrifice for the common value is related to what the social welfare state is ready and able to do to help with the burdens of childbirth and parenthood. For example, the Spanish court, reluctantly upholding the exception of a defective fetus, takes note of the hardship involved in raising a disabled child and the very limited degree of public assistance presently available in Spain.
Many object to feticidal abortions late in a healthy pregnancy not because the fetus is capable of some sort of extrauterine existence but simply because, by late pregnancy, fetuses seem to acquire many important human characteristics that would make their intentional destruction, without substantial cause, tragic. Viability may have had some moral relevance when abortions after viability could result in unanticipated live births and were generally equal to or greater than childbirth in risk. However, in the current medical context this is not the case.
Abortion and Social Responsibility: Depolarizing the Debate (Studies in Feminist Philosophy) by Laurie Shrage