By John Nicholas
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Sultan Mahmut realised that the Egyptians could be of crucial importance in the imminent war, and sent messenger after messenger to tempt Mehmet with the provisional offer of the Syrian pashaliks for his assistance. 127 Wellington's Foreign Minister saw a similar role for Mehmet, and felt his aid or neutrality would be concrete proof of his true loyalty to his sovereign. Despite the presence of Geiden's squadron, Aberdeen considered the evacuation of Greece by the Egyptians feasible even during a state of war.
While the immediate beneficiaries of the battle were the Greeks, that government's view of the engagement was ambivalent. Capodistrias had originally seen the Allied presence as an important factor in legitimising the Greek insurrection in Turkish eyes, tangible proof that the Allies considered the Greek uprising as valid. 107 Soon he was convinced that the battle had been unnecessary, and that Ibrahim's evacuation could have been assisted in a less spectacular, but more useful manner. 108 The Greek Revolt and First Turkish War 15 The response of the French and British governments to the battle was acute embarrassment.
The Treaty talks in London had made no headway since mid-October. News of the admirals' 'grapeshot' diplomacy reached London on 12 November; five days later Lord Dudley sent to the Admiralty a list of questions regarding Codrington's performance. 109 The gap between Foreign Office theory and Codrington's practice was clear; Codrington was to become a scapegoat for resolving the Greek question in an embarrassingly direct manner. Lord Bathurst, Lord President of the Council, stated the official view of Codrington's abilities: When Lord Melville appointed Sir Edward Codrington to the command in the Mediterranean (by the suggestion of Sir George Cockburn) I told him that I was afraid he might be hasty, though a gallant and excellent officer.
Air Defense Weapons by John Nicholas