By John Kunkel
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Additional resources for America's Trade Policy Towards Japan: Demanding Results (Routledge Advances in International Political Economy, 11)
Policy choices are long lasting, not only because their institutionalisation influences future constellations of interests, but also because actors come to value the policy rules and norms themselves (Goldstein 1993: 9). Regimes, while ultimately changeable, ‘confront choosing agents as historical givens, as part of the architecture defining the choice situation rather than as something to be chosen’ (Caporaso and Levine 1992: 156). An American trade policy regime crisis 27 The persistence or stickiness of policy regimes is governed critically by perceptions of their legitimacy.
Haggard (1988: 96, 99) argues persuasively that while societal pressures reinforced the passage of the RTAA in 1934: explaining the institutional innovations themselves demands attention to the initiatives, interests, and motivations of state actors … Without allies in industry and agriculture who were capable of benefiting from a new trade policy, the administration could not have acted. But executive initiatives and interests were crucial in defining the trade policy agenda, and even in shaping the ‘dominant coalition’.
As Destler (1995: 14) notes: ‘The Constitution grants the president no trade-specific authority whatsoever. Thus, in no sphere of government policy can the primacy of the legislative branch be clearer: Congress reigns supreme on trade, unless and until it decides otherwise’. And, as Cohen et al. (1996: 106) argue from a comparative perspective, when it comes to trade policy ‘no other legislative body has as much influence and authority relative to the executive branch as does the US Congress’. Prior to 1934, the institutional dominance of Congress was largely unchallenged.
America's Trade Policy Towards Japan: Demanding Results (Routledge Advances in International Political Economy, 11) by John Kunkel